共和党前议员杰夫-弗莱克：我为什么支持拜登为总统〔全文翻译〕

我很高兴今天在此讨论一下我支持谁当总统，以及为什么。

I’m pleased to be here today to discuss who I’ll be supporting for president, and why.

我曾代表亚利桑那州 — 我的故乡 — 在美国众议院和参议院任职十八年，这是我一生的荣幸。 我是一名保守派。 我一直觉得我的保守主义信念和价值观与共和党最吻合。在 特朗普总统说自己是共和党人之前很久，我就已经是一个共和党人；在自称为共和党人对他来说已经没什么价值了之后很久，我仍然会是一个共和党人。原则不会过时，不会追逐收视率，不会投基本盘所好，也不会过于在意民调。原则是党派的起源。这是我今天要在这里谈论的事情之一。

It was the honor of my life to represent my state, Arizona — my family’s home — in the United States House and Senate for eighteen years. I am a conservative. I’ve always felt that my conservative beliefs and values were best expressed in the Republican Party. I was a Republican long before the president ever called himself one, and I will be a Republican long after identifying as such is no longer useful to him. Principle does not go in and out of fashion, does not chase ratings, or play to the base, or care too much about polls. And principle is the provenance of no one party. That is one of the things I am here to talk about today.

我在这里要谈的另一件事是未来 — 共和党的未来，更重要的是：我们国家的未来。

The other thing I am here to talk about is the future — both of my party, but more importantly, the future of our country.

我在亚利桑那北部的牧场长大。巴里-戈德华特 之国。当我还是个孩子的时候，里根总统领导下的共和党闪耀着理想，充满了目的与原则。那时的共和党是如此的协调统一、振奋人心和理想主义，它唤醒了雪花镇上一个孩子（以及跟他同样的整整一代孩子）的想象力。它让我们思考伟大的想法，思考我们在世界上的位置，以及作为一个美国人，在美国这座闪闪发光的「山上之城」，究竟意味着什么。

I was raised on a cattle ranch in Northern Arizona. Goldwater country. When I was a kid, the Republican Party under President Reagan was brimming with ideas, full of purpose and principle. It was coherent, and inspiring, and idealistic. So much so that it awakened the imagination of a kid from the town of Snowflake, and a whole generation of other kids just like him. Made us think big thoughts, and of our place in the world, and of what it meant to be an American in America, the shining city on a hill.

里根治下，保守派对美国的展望宽宏大量，视美国为不可或缺的国度、一盏明灯，指引着奋斗者、被压迫者、以及那些被锁在了分隔自由世界与压迫世界的意识形态围墙之后的人们。里根的美国宛若清晨。它并不完美，但每日都在变好。我们满怀美好、而非牢骚；满怀决心、而非憎恶。

With Reagan, a conservative’s vision of America as the indispensable nation was benevolent and big-hearted, a beacon to the striver and to the subjugated and those locked behind an ideological wall that divided the world into free and oppressed. It was morning in Reagan’s America. It wasn’t perfect, but it was always getting better. We were the sum of our goodness, not our gripes — of our resolve, not our resentments.

从政之初，我相信，要想我们国家的政治健康，联邦政府需要跟我有共同信仰的人，也需要与我信仰不同的人。如今这已经多少成了奢求。但是国父们天才的设计让宪法逼迫我们妥协。治理国家很难。民主很难。尊严与体面不应该那么难，但现在看来也很难。你知道什么不难吗？骂人。煽动。政治报复。人的退化不需要什么天才。

I got into public service believing that for our politics to be healthy, the American government needed people who believed as I do, but also people who believed differently from me. This has become somewhat of a novel idea. But it is the genius of our founders that the Constitution forces compromise. Governing is hard. Democracy is hard. Decency shouldn’t be that hard, but apparently it is. You know what’s easy? Name calling. Demagoguery. The politics of vengeance is easy. Dehumanization requires very little talent.

通过互相攻讦，把理性驱离我们的心智、填满病态和「锡箔帽子」般的阴谋理论，我们屈从于可怕的、原始部落般的冲动，先是错误地将对方视为敌人，然后必欲除之而后快，浑然忘记我们并非敌人，而是同一身躯中不同的重要器官。

By raging at each other, our minds vacant of reason and reeling with ill-will and tinfoil hat conspiracy theories, we have given in to the horrible tribal impulse to first mistake our opponents for our enemies… then become seized with the conviction that we must destroy that enemy… seemingly oblivious to the fact that not only are we not enemies, we are each vital organs in the same body.

这就好比，大脑为了保护自己，决定摧毁心脏。这大概就是目前的政治流程中双方的态度。我们的政治系统病了，并且将全国人民感染了。

It’s as if in order to save itself, your brain decided to destroy your heart. That’s about the level of care we are currently bringing to the proceedings. There is a sickness in our system, and we have infected the whole country with it.

我这个年纪的人还记得，当年我们选举的总统，会激发我们国家的最高理想与抱负，而不是挑起我们最黑暗深处的恐惧。我还记得，选举结束之后，新任总统会向反对派伸出双手，发誓以全体美国人利益为重，而不只是为了那些效忠他的人。

We’re all old enough to remember when we elected presidents who spoke to our highest ideals and aspirations as a nation, not to our darkest dystopian fears. I can remember when, once an election was settled, a new president would reach out a hand to those who had opposed him, and pledge to do right by all Americans, not just those who were loyal to him.

那时的总统曾致力于如此领导与治理国家。事实上，每一位现代美国总统，不管是共和党还是民主党，在任时都是如此表率。他们每个人都深知，总统的原则性任务，不是服务自己、或自己的利益、或其追随者的利益，而是全体美国人民。那曾是治理国家的美国方式。

That’s the way presidents once sought to lead and govern. In fact, it is the way every other president in the modern era, Republican or Democrat, tried to conduct himself in office. Each possessed a keen awareness that a president’s principal role is to serve not himself or his interests or the interests of his clan, but the people of the United States. That was once the American way.

我们之中某些特定年代的人，难得有幸，成长之中无需过于关心我们投票的后果；甚至无需过于关心在某次选举中自己是否投了票。

Those of us of a certain age in this country have also had the rare good fortune of growing up and into adulthood not having to think too much about the consequences of our votes — or even whether we vote at all in a given election.

除了某些短暂的政治时代外，我们在整整一生中，都以为稳定的自我治理乃是理所当然；那是很多其他国家的人们终其一生、连一天都享受不到的奢侈。

For our entire lives, through some very fractious political periods, we have taken steady self-governance for granted, and that is a luxury that so many of our fellow human beings living in other countries have never had for a single day of their lives.

但是，过去的三年半展示了我们赋予总统的权力、以及总统将其权力用于不善的后果。这样的时代证明了，将任何事情视为理所当然，是多么愚蠢。

But the story of the past 3 ½ years is the story of the power that we vest in the presidency, and the consequences when a president does not use that power well. And these times prove the folly of taking anything for granted.

在 2016 年的时候，一位角逐共和党提名的候选人，描述现在的总统是「一团糟候选人」、如若当选将是「一团糟总统」。到如今，还有谁能真心反驳这一判断？

In 2016, one candidate running for the Republican nomination described our current President as a 「chaos candidate” and if elected he would be a 「chaos president.” Can anyone now seriously argue against this proposition?

诚然，在 2016 年 特朗普仍是私人公民，因此无需为他造成的一团糟而负责。这位后来成为我们共和党领袖的人，他的这些特点在仅是总统候选人时，就已经糟糕透顶。

Of course, in 2016 the President was a private citizen, and thus was unaccountable for the chaos he caused. And these traits of the man who would become the standard bearer of my party were bad enough when exhibited by a mere candidate for president.

2016 年，作为共和党总统候选人的 特朗普，在大选前的几个月就错误地声称，即将到来的大选被人动了手脚；这已经够糟糕了。如今，作为美国的总统，他又说：「除非有人动手脚、否则我们不会输掉这场选举。」什么样的总统会说这样的话？什么样的美国领导人，会为了保住权力，而攻击人们对于自己国家选举的信心？对于自由社会来说这极度危险，而且必将对我们的民主造成长久的伤害。

In 2016, it was bad enough when for months in advance of the election, the Republican nominee for president claimed falsely that the coming election would be rigged. Now, as president of the United States, he has said, and I quote: 「The only way we’re going to lose this election is if the election is rigged.” What kind of president talks like that? What kind of American leader undermines confidence in elections in his own country, as part of his strategy to hold power? This is extraordinarily dangerous to a free society and it stands to inflict lasting damage to our democracy.

在还是候选人的时候，他就已经够糟糕了；他攻击联邦法官的出身，称法官 Gonzalo Curiel 不可能在某个案件中公平判决，因为他的父母来自墨西哥。当了总统之后，他对法官的攻击更猛烈了。他插手干预涉及朋友的案件，威胁要囚禁他的政治对手，表明他对美国司法的独立运作一无所知、或毫不关心。

It was bad enough when as a candidate he attacked a federal judge because of his heritage, saying that Judge Gonzalo Curiel couldn’t preside fairly over a certain case because Curiel’s parents were from Mexico. As President, he has only intensified his attack on judges. He has interfered in cases involving his friends and threatened jail for his opponents, demonstrating how little he knows or appreciates about the independent administration of justice in America.

在 2016 年，作为一名总统候选人他已经够糟糕了 — 为俄罗斯独裁者甜言蜜语，称普京为「人民的强大领袖」，说得好像俄罗斯人民有得选一样。看着他作为美国总统与普京站在赫尔辛基，附和这位独裁者，反驳我们自己的情报部门、拒不承认俄罗斯对我们大选的攻击 — 令人震惊、痛心。在那一刻，以及其他许许多多难以置信、他向独裁者屈服的时刻，堂堂一位美国总统玷污了他的职责、削弱了美国作为自由世界之领导的地位。

In 2016, it was bad enough for a mere candidate for president to sweet talk the Russian dictator, calling Vladimir Putin a 「strong leader for his people,” as if 「his people” had a say in the matter. Watching that man as president stand with Putin at Helsinki and take the dictator’s side, defying his own intelligence community and denying the ongoing Russian attacks on our elections — was shocking and appalling. In that moment, and in so many other inexplicable moments of deference to dictators, a president of the United States degraded his office and diminished America’s role as leader of the free world.

在 2016 年，作为一名候选人他已经够糟糕了；他给竞争对手起孩子气的名字。作为总统，做这种事情（如今甚至更糟糕了），让他的总统之位蒙羞。我们之中有谁想让自己的孩子效仿这种行为？

It was bad enough in 2016 when as a candidate he resorted to calling his opponents childish names. That behavior in a president — which has only gotten worse, is an embarrassment to the office. Do any of us want our children to emulate this behavior?

我可以继续列举，但多说无益。如今一切已经很清楚：虽然我们共和党人可能曾经寄望于总统之责会改变其人，但 特朗普总统的行为没有改变、也不会改变。

I could go on, but the litany is all too familiar. It is apparent by now that the president’s behavior has not and will not change, whatever hopes we Republicans might have entertained about the office changing the man.

有些保守派的朋友会说，是，我们不喜欢他的言行，但他以保守派身份治理。今天，在这里，我对保守派同胞们说：我上面描述的这些言行，不管你将之称为什么，它们绝对不是保守派。对真相漠不关心、对美国自由制度的精心守护漠不关心，这不是保守派。无视三权分立（我们宪法体系的核心），这不是保守派。用推特治理国家，这不是保守派。那甚至根本称不上是「治理」。

Some of my conservative friends will say, yes, we don’t like his behavior, but he governs as a conservative. Here, today, I will say to my fellow conservatives: Whatever else you might call the behavior I have just described, it is most assuredly not conservative. Indifference to the truth or to the careful stewardship of the institutions of American liberty is not conservative. Disregard for the separation of powers — the centerpiece of our constitutional system — is not conservative. Governing by tweet is not conservative. It’s not even governing.

至于有人说，「不管怎么说，这事关最高法院」，我想说：曾经充满活力的保守派运动，若将最高法院的任命作为最后一块阵地，对于保守派来说并不值得欣慰。

And to the refrain — Well, it’s all about the Supreme Court, I say: To fall back on Supreme Court appointments as the last remnant by which we define a once vibrant conservative movement should offer little solace to conservatives.

过去几十年里，三项保守派原则定义了共和党、给它带来了勃勃生机：信仰小政府；致力于自由贸易；认识到美国在全球的强大领导力量让美国更安全、让世界更好。

Three conservative principles have defined and animated the Republican Party over the past several decades. A belief in limited government, a commitment to free trade, and a recognition that strong American leadership around the globe makes America a more secure nation and the world a better place.

那么，今天这三项原则做得如何呢？

So, how are we doing with these principles?

呃，甚至在新冠疫情出现之前，我们就已经有数万亿美元的财政赤字。我们摧毁了美国产品和服务在海外的市场。守护了四分之三个世纪和平的安全协议岌岌可危。我们惹毛了为对抗中国和自身安全与繁荣面临的其他长期威胁而亟需的盟国。而这一切都毫无来由。

Well, we were running trillion-dollar deficits even before the coronavirus hit us. We have destroyed foreign markets for our goods and services. We have threatened security agreements that have kept the peace for nearly three quarters of a century. We have offended allies who we will desperately need to face China and other long-term threats to our security and prosperity. For no good reason.

我们之中有谁能今天站在这里说，特朗普总统在任期间，我们共和党依然忠于我们的保守派原则？没有；我们无法这样说。

Can any of us stand here today and claim that our party has remained faithful to conservative principles during the President’s time in office? No, we cannot.

如果我们老实承认的话，重新投票给 特朗普总统，对保守派并非好事，而更是为了论功行赏的部落主义。更多分裂。以及面对日益古怪的总统言行时，更多的装聋作哑。

If we are honest, there is less of a conservative case to be made for reelecting the President than there is a blatant appeal for more rank tribalism. And further division. And more willful amnesia in the face of more outlandish presidential behavior.

我做不到、也无法做到与此同流。根本没有任何未来。对于我的共和党同胞们，如果你跟我一样相信保守派观点的力量，请问问你自己：如果 特朗普再当政四年，我们保守治国的理念会更有市场吗？我想大家都知道答案。

I cannot and will not be a part of that. There simply is no future in it. To my fellow Republicans who, like me, believe in the power of conservative ideas — ask yourself: Will we be in a better position to make a conservative case for governing after four more years of this administration? I think we all know the answer.

事已至此。2016 年选举，根据我在精选期间看到的事情，我知道自己无法投票给 特朗普。跟很多同仁一样，我选择了投票给第三方候选人。今天，根据过去四年的经验，仅仅以此来表达不支持 特朗普总统，已经远远不够。我们需要另选一位总统，他要能解开乱局，修复因此产生的损伤。

So here we are today. During the 2016 election, given what I had already seen during the campaign, I knew I could not vote for the President. Like many of my colleagues, I chose to vote for a third-party candidate. Today, given what we have experienced over the past four years, it is not enough to just to register our disapproval of the President. We need to elect someone else in his place, someone who will stop the chaos and reverse the damage.

我们亚利桑那州有「国为党先」的优良传统。1992 年，「共和党先生」巴里-戈德华特特推举了一名民主党人为国会议员，而不是参选的共和党人，因为他认为后者无法很好地代表共和党人。戈德华特并没有放弃自己的保守主张。远远没有如此。他只是坚信，在当时的情况下，民主党人获胜从长远来看对于保守派观念更有利。

Putting country over party has a noble history here in Arizona. In 1992, Mr. Republican, Barry Goldwater, endorsed a Democrat running for Congress over the Republican he felt would not represent the party well. Goldwater hadn’t traded in his conservative credentials. Far from it. He simply believed, in that case, that the conservative cause would be better served over the long term if the Democrat prevailed.

这也是我今天、对这场大选的信念。这也是越来越多的共和党人拥有、并且今天在这里宣布的信念。

And that is what I believe today, in this election. And that is what a growing number of Republicans believe and are declaring today as well.

我此生从未投票给民主党总统候选人。但是过去四年里，我曾多次被问道，自己作为一名保守派，是否可能会投票给民主党候选人。「当然可以，」我说，「如果候选人是乔-拜登那样的民主党人。」

I have never before voted for a Democrat for president. But I’ve been asked many times over the past four years if I, as a conservative, could vote for a Democrat for President. 「Sure,” has been my ready answer, 「if he or she were a Joe Biden-kinda-Democrat.

结果，民主党刚刚就提名了一个「乔-拜登那样」的总统候选人。我相信他会以总统职位应有的尊严来履行其宪法职责。我知道他会跨越党派之争，因为他整个职业生涯都是如此。

Well, the Democratic Party just nominated a Joe Biden-kinda-Democrat, whom I am confident will approach his constitutional role with the reverence and dignity it deserves. I know that he will reach across the aisle, because that’s what he’s done his entire career.

在过去四年的动荡之后，我们需要一个总统来团结、而不是分裂。

After the turmoil of the past four years, we need a president who unifies rather than divides.

我们需要一个总统来协同合作、而不是结党营私。

We need a president who prefers teamwork to tribalism.

我们需要一个总统来唤醒我们心中的美好，而不是诉诸于我们原始的冲动。

We need a president who summons our better angels, not a president who appeals to our baser instincts.

这就是为什么我们需要 乔-拜登。

That’s why we need Joe Biden.

如果说过去四年我们学到了什么教训的话，那就是：品格事大。正直事大。文明永远不会过时。并且我们应该期望，我们的总统能展现这些美德。

If we have learned anything over the past four years, it is that character matters. Decency matters. Civility never goes out of style. And we should expect our president to exhibit these virtues.

我认识乔-拜登二十多年了，其中大部分时间我与他在国会共事。他是一个良好、正直的人。我并不总是认同他的观点，将来我们还会在政策上有很多分歧，但那没关系。国家领导力的稳定、我们民主体制的健康与存亡，这些事情远远大过我们可能存在分歧的具体政策议题。

I have known Vice President Biden for two decades now. I served with him in Congress for much of that time. He is a good and decent man. I haven’t always agreed with him, and there will be many policies on which we will disagree in the future, and that’s okay. The steadiness of leadership, and the health and survival of our democracy — those things far supersede any policy issues on which we might disagree.

这一点我很清楚：乔-拜登成为总统后，我们将能恢复文明对话的空间，共和党与民主党可以就政策议题产生分歧，而不必担心复仇与报复。

And this much I know: With Joe Biden as president, we will be able to preserve the civic space wherein Republicans and Democrats can go back to merely disagreeing about issues of policy, without fear of revenge or reprisal.

那一天赶快到来吧。

That day cannot come soon enough.

因此，出于我的保守主义，出于我对宪法和三权分立的信念，出于我对 特朗普总统言行深切的担忧，我今天站在这里，自豪地、毫无保留地，推举乔-拜登成为美利坚合众国的下一任总统。

And so, it is because of my conservatism, and because of my belief in the Constitution, and in the separation of power, and because I am gravely concerned about the conduct and behavior of our current president that I stand here today — proudly and wholeheartedly — to endorse Joe Biden to be our next president of the United States of America.

美国的前路会更美好。加油拜登。

America’s best days are ahead. Go Joe.